SUICIDE STATISTICS
REPORT 2016
Including data for 2012-2014
Contents
Samaritans – working together to reduce suicide
5
Samaritans response to recent trends in suicide
6
What are the recent trends?

6
What do the trends tell us?

6
What will Samaritans do?

7
Data sources
9
Data sources – UK





9
Data sources – Republic of Ireland



9
Local suicide data





9
Suicide definition




11
Suicide definition – UK



11
Suicide definition – Republic of Ireland


12
Understanding suicide statistics


13
Data: Suicide in the UK – 2014



15
Table 1: Number of suicides in UK, 2014


16
Graph 1: Suicide rates per 100,000 in UK, 2014

16
Data: UK suicide by age group – 2014


15
Graph 2: Suicide rates in UK by age group, 2014

17
Graph 3: Suicide rates in England by age group, 2014

17
Graph 4: Suicide rates in Wales by age group, 2014

18
Graph 5: Suicide rates in Scotland by age group, 2014
18
Graph 6: Suicide rates in Northern Ireland by age group, 2014
19
Data: UK suicide rates – trends over time

20
Graph 7: Suicide rate per 100,000 in the UK, 1984–2014
20
Graph 8: Suicide rate per 100,000 in England, 1984–2014
21
Graph 9: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Wales, 1984–2014
21
Graph 10: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Scotland, 1984–2014
22
Graph 11: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Northern Ireland, 1984–2014 22
Data: Suicide in the Republic of Ireland – 2014
23
Table 2: Number of suicides in Republic of Ireland, 2014
23
Graph 12: Suicide rates per 100,000 in Republic of Ireland, 2014
23
Data: Republic of Ireland suicide by age group – 2014 24
Graph 13: Suicide rates in Republic of Ireland by age group, 2014
24
Data: Republic of Ireland suicide rates – trends over time 25
Graph 14: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Republic of Ireland, 1984–2014 25
Challenges with suicide statistics


26
The under-reporting of suicide



27
The reliability and validity of suicide statistics


28
Difficulties comparing suicide statistics


30
References






31
Appendices: Appendix 1 – Rate per 100,000 of
deaths by suicide in the UK, 2012–2014

32
Table 3: UK suicide rates for all persons, males and
females and by age group, 2012–2014

32
Table 4: England suicide rates for all persons, males
and females and by age group, 2012–2014

33
Table 5: Wales suicide rates for all persons, males
and females and by age group, 2012–2014

34
Table 6: Scotland suicide rates for all persons, males
and females and by age group, 2012–2014

35
Table 7: Northern Ireland suicide rates for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
36
Appendices: Appendix 2 – Number of deaths by suicide
in the UK, 2012–2014




37
Table 8: UK suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
37
Table 9: England suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
38
Table 10: Wales suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
39
Table 11: Scotland suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
40
Table 12: Northern Ireland suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
41
Appendices: Appendix 3 – Rate per 100,000 of deaths
by suicide in Republic of Ireland, 2012–2014

42
Table 13: Republic of Ireland suicide rates for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
42
Appendices: Appendix 4 – Number of deaths by suicide
in Republic of Ireland, 2012–2014


43
Table 14: Republic of Ireland suicide numbers for all persons,
males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
43
4
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
There were 6,581 suicides
in the UK and Republic of
Ireland in 2014
Suicide statistics report 2016 Including data for 2012-2014
Author: Elizabeth Scowcroft May 2016
Acknowledgements: Thanks to Hazel Nunn, Sohila Sawhney
and Jacqui Morrissey for their contributions to this report.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
5
Samaritans – working together to reduce suicide
Samaritans’ vision is that fewer people die by suicide.
Suicide is devastating for families and communities and there
are significant social and gender inequalities.
Samaritans’ strategy, Working together to reduce suicide 2015-21, outlines
our commitment to work together to reduce suicide. Reducing suicide
means reaching more people who may be at risk of taking their own lives.
This can only be achieved by understanding which groups of individuals are
particularly at risk of suicidal thoughts and behaviours.
This document provides data and a description of the suicide rates in the
United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland, using information that is
available from the official statistics bodies. It also gives details about how
to use (and how not to use) suicide data and the differences between
countries’ ways of producing them.
The collation of suicide statistics for the UK, England, Wales, Scotland,
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland is not routinely provided by
any other organisation. There are significant challenges in collating the
suicide statistics from across the UK and the Republic of Ireland. There are
variations in the calculation methods of suicide rates between the national
statistical agencies and differences in the data that they collect.
This leads to challenges in the collation and analysis of suicide statistics
and comparisons across the above countries. In order to understand and
prevent suicide, it is very important that suicide data is as accurate and
as comprehensive as possible. This document also includes some further
comments on these issues, specific details of suicide statistics and the
availability of data.
We can choose to stand together in the face
of a society
which may often feel like a lonely and disco
nnected
place, and we can choose to make a differe
nce by
making lives more liveable for those who s
truggle
to cope. We believe we can do this because
we know
that people and organisations are stronger t
ogether.
Working together to reduce suicide 2015-21
6
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
The female suicide rate in England is at its highest since 2005.
The female suicide rate in the UK is at its highest since 2011.
Overall and female suicide rates in Wales in 2014 were at their lowest
since 1981. The male suicide rate is the second lowest in this time.
Scotland and Northern Ireland show higher suicide rates for males
and females compared to the other nations, however rates are not
necessarily directly comparable.
Unlike the rest of the UK, the suicide rate in Northern Ireland is
significantly higher than it was thirty years ago. However, the latest
year of data does show a decrease in both males and females.
Rates in the Republic of Ireland have fluctuated more than in the UK
in recent years, but it is currently at its lowest since 1993.
What are the recent trends?
There were 6,581 suicides in the UK and Republic of Ireland, in 2014.
In 2014, 6,122 suicides were registered in the UK. This corresponds to a
suicide rate of 10.8 per 100,000 people (16.8 per 100,000 for men and
5.2 per 100,000 for women).
The highest suicide rate in the UK in 2014 was for men aged 45-49 at
26.5 per 100,000.
The male suicide rate decreased in the UK (by 5.6%), England (by less
than 1%), Wales (by 37.6%), Scotland (by 17.6%), Northern Ireland
(by 10.2%) and Republic of Ireland (by 6.4%) between 2013 and 2014.
Female suicide rates increased in the UK (by 8.3%), England (by 14%),
Scotland (by 7.8%) and Republic of Ireland (by 14.7%) between 2013
and 2014.
Female suicide rates decreased in Wales (by 38.2%) and Northern Ireland
(by 17.7%).
Samaritans’ response to recent trends in suicide
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
7
What do the trends tell us?
The recent rise in female suicide could be an indication of the picture of
suicide risk changing. It now appears that male rates are decreasing and
female rates are increasing. However, we must be mindful that these changes
are based on year-on-year data, which could be natural fluctuations, rather
than the beginning of a longer-term trend. This needs careful monitoring.
Men remain more than three times more likely to take their own lives than
women across the UK and Republic of Ireland, but we must pay attention
to the risks in both genders. Research suggests that social and economic
factors influence the risk of suicide in women as well as men (as described
in our Men, Suicide and Society research), reinforcing the need to address
inequalities to reduce suicide.
See the ‘Trends over time’ sections (pages 20-22 and page 25) for suicide
trends from the UK (and each of the constituent nations) and the Republic
of Ireland.
What will Samaritans do?
Suicide is not inevitable, it is preventable. Suicide is an inequality issue.
We need to get better at identifying those most at risk and finding ways
to reach them. Samaritans is committed to developing our work based
on evidence.
We will continue to work with leading academics, to better understand
who is most at risk of suicide and how to prevent it. This year we will
produce a report examining the link between socio-economic disadvantage
and suicidal behaviour, which will include recommendations for policy,
practice and research.
We want to see a greater focus at local and regional levels on the
co-ordination and prioritisation of suicide prevention activity, particularly
targeting areas with high levels of socio-economic deprivation.
We are calling on every area of GB and Ireland to have an effective suicide
prevention plan and active multi-agency group in place and will be working
hard during the year to help make this happen. Good collaboration
between different sectors and agencies is vital to reduce suicide. 
8
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
Previous research has shown that call costs
can deter
some people from using our service. So in 20
15, we
were proud to launch our free-to-call numb
er, 116 123.
Anyone can now call Samaritans free of char
ge.
The causes of suicide are complex. We need to raise awareness of the issues,
reduce stigma, encourage people to seek help before they reach a crisis
point, ensure appropriate support and services are accessible to everyone
and reduce access to means, for example by limiting physical access and
ensuring responsible portrayal of suicide in the media.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
9
Data sources
Data sources – UK
The UK data in this document have been provided by official statistical
bodies: Office for National Statistics (ONS) (for combined UK data, England,
and Wales), the National Records of Scotland (NRS) (for Scotland with data
compiled by the Scottish Public Health Observatory (ScotPHO)) and the
Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA)(for Northern Ireland).
The most recent data available and discussed in this document is from
2014 (data published or obtained in 2015 and 2016). All suicide rates
shown have been calculated by the respective statistical agencies named
above. ONS reproduce suicide rates for Scotland and Northern Ireland,
however these differ slightly from the NRS and NISRA calculated rates.
The rates produced by the respective national agencies are used within
this report, rather than ONS rates for Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Rates provided by the ONS for the UK, England, and Wales, and by
ScotPHO for Scotland are age standardised to the 2013 European Standard
Population for overall male, female and person rates; rates broken down
by age group are crude (age-specific) rates. All rates provided by NISRA are
crude rates. For an explanation of these terms, see page 13.
Data sources – Republic of Ireland
Republic of Ireland data for number of deaths by suicide and population
estimates are provided by the Central Statistics Office for Ireland (CSO).
CSO have not provided suicide rates per 100,000 population for 2014 but
provided Samaritans with data to perform crude rate calculations. CSO have
previously calculated these. Samaritans has therefore calculated suicide rates
for 2014 based on newly available provisional data, which is subject to future
revision, and for 2013 based on final data that was previously provisional.
They are presented separately to UK data because there are fundamental
differences between the Republic of Ireland and UK definitions of suicide,
which means the figures are not comparable.
Local suicide data
ONS provides the number of suicides by Local Authority for England and
Wales from 2002 to 2014, and age-standardised three-year aggregate suicide
rates for the latest period (2012–2014), which can be downloaded from their
website. 
Public Health England (PHE) also provide an online Suicide Prevention
Profile. It includes a range of publically available data on suicide (rates
by regions, local authority and levels of deprivation), risk factors eg self-
reported well-being and prisoner population, and service related local data
among groups at increased risk such as self-harm hospital admissions.
This tool allows for comparison with other similar areas and the national
average to support local planning.
ScotPHO provides the number, crude rates and age-standardised rates of
suicide in aggregate five-year periods from 1985–2014 for NHS Boards
and Local Authorities in Scotland, which can be downloaded from their
website. Data broken down by deprivation, which shows that the most
deprived areas of Scotland have the highest suicide rates, are also available
on the ScotPHO website.
NISRA provides the number of suicide deaths per year in Northern
Ireland, from 1997–2014, by Local Government District, Health and Social
Care Trust, Parliamentary Constituency, Assembly Area, and by Urban
Rural Classification. They also provide the number of suicide deaths by
deprivation, from 2011–2014. No rates per 100,000 are available for this
local or deprivation data.
10
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
11
ScotPHO does not present annual numbers or crude rates for ages 0-14 and
85+ for reasons of robustness and comparability, as a higher proportion of
probable suicide deaths in these extreme age groups are coded as events of
undetermined intent. NRS does however provide rates for all age groups and
rates for all persons, males and females are based on all ages.
Please note when reporting on suicides in the UK, or England and Wales
combined, ONS include deaths of non-residents who died in England and
Wales. However, when reporting on England and Wales as separate regions,
deaths of non-residents are not included. Therefore, the total number of
suicides reported for UK does not equal the sum of each nation as published
by ONS. NRS and NISRA include deaths of non-residents as standard.
In 2011, the ONS, NRS and NISRA adopted a change in the classification of
deaths in line with the new coding rules of the World Health Organisation
(WHO). The change results in some deaths previously coded under
‘mental and behavioural disorders’ now being classed as ‘self-poisoning
of undetermined intent’ and therefore included in the suicide figures1.
Theoretically, this could mean that more deaths could be coded with an
underlying cause of ‘event of undetermined intent’, which is included in the
national definition of suicide (Box 1). 
Suicide definition
Suicide definition – UK
The UK definition of suicide in statistical terms can be found in Box 1 on page 12.
This is in line with guidance from the ONS on how a death is classified as suicide;
NRS and NISRA also use this definition. This definition combines deaths where
the underlying cause (according to the International Statistical Classification of
Diseases, Injuries, and Causes of Death 10th Revision; ICD-10) is intentional self-
harm (ICD10: X60-X84) and events of undetermined intent (ICD10: Y10-Y34).
Data for the UK from ONS, NISRA and NRS all relate to deaths registered
(but not necessarily occurring) in a given year.
In England, Wales and Northern Ireland, a coroner is able to give a verdict of
suicide for those as young as 10 years old. All ONS data is for persons aged
10 and over. In previous years, ONS have only provided suicide data for those
15 years and over. In the latest bulletin presenting 2014 data, they have
revised all previous years’ data in line with the new definition to include
deaths of those aged 10 and over.
However, NISRA produce rates for those younger than 10 years, since there
are self-inflicted deaths with undetermined intent recorded in those younger
than 10 years. NISRA produce rates for those aged ‘15 and under’ but do not
break down the age groups within this for disclosure reasons. They modify
the data presented to ensure that information attributable to an individual is
not revealed.
1 Explanation taken from ScotPHO website, updated August 2015;
www.scotpho.org.uk/health-wellbeing-and-disease/suicide/key-points
12
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
ONS only produce data using the new coding rules since the change (data
since 2011). They note that caution should be used when comparing data
with old and new coding as they are not directly comparable. Preliminary
analyses of the data suggest no significant change as a result of the coding
changes; however this finding should still be treated with caution.
NRS produce two sets of suicide data for each year since the change to
reflect what figures would show using both the old and new coding rules.
They note that, when examining trends over time, data using the old coding
rules should be used; 2011 onwards data, based on the new rules, is not
directly comparable to old data.
NISRA only produce data using the new coding rules since the change
(data since 2011). Preliminary checks by NISRA have indicated only minimal
differences to the coding change, and NISRA therefore does not expect that
there will be a significant impact on the figures reported.
Suicide definition – Republic of Ireland
The Republic of Ireland definition does not include deaths classified as
undetermined intent as suicides; suicide numbers and rates include only
deaths classified as intentional self-harm (ICD-10 codes X60-X84, see Box 1).
It would therefore be misleading to compare data for the Republic of Ireland
directly with those for the UK. Data for suicides in the Republic of Ireland
from the CSO for 2014 relate to the number of deaths registered in that
year, but data for previous years reflect deaths occurring in a calendar year;
provisional data is published initially and subsequently updated to reflect the
number of deaths that occur in a given year.
CSO have previously provided rates for all persons, males and females based
on all ages; Samaritans has replicated this procedure when calculating rates
for 2013 and 2014 (see Data sources – Republic of Ireland section above).
The coding change adopted by UK agencies in 2011 does not affect Republic
of Ireland data since their definition of suicide does not include deaths
where the underlying cause is of undetermined intent.
Note on the availability of suicide data: Routine data on the epidemiology of suicide published by official national statistical bodies are limited to age and gender, and age bands
differ between countries. Data on socio-economic status are collected by some statistical agencies but not routinely published, while other socio-demographic information (such as
ethnicity) is typically not included in the recording of a suicide. The ONS provide details about suicide methods/cause of death, but these details are not included in this document.
Box 1: UK definition of suicide
ICD-10 code
Description
X60–X84
Intentional self-harm
Y10–Y341
Injury/poisoning of undetermined intent
Y87.0/Y87.22
Sequelae of intentional self-harm/injury/poisoning
of undetermined intent
Table notes:
1.
Excluding Y33.9 where the coroner’s verdict was pending in England and Wales, up to
2006. From 2007, deaths which were previously coded to Y33.9 are coded to U50.9.
2.
Y87.0 and Y87.2 are not included in England and Wales.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
13
Understanding suicide statistics
Understanding suicide statistics can be tricky. The figures
are not always as straightforward as they might appear.
Below are some important things to consider when using
suicide statistics:
It’s all about rates per 100,000 people
The number of suicides in a group (eg in a country or a specific age
group) can give a misleading picture of the incidence of suicide when
considered alone. Rates per 100,000 people are calculated in order to
adjust for the underlying population size. An area or group with a larger
population may have a higher number of suicides than an area or group
with a smaller population, but the rate per 100,000 may be lower.
Age standardised vs crude rates
“Age standardised” rates have been standardised to the European
population so that comparisons between countries can be made
with greater confidence. “Crude rates” have not been standardised
in this way and are a basic calculation of the number of deaths
divided by the population (x100,000). The two types of rate are not
necessarily comparable.
Be careful of small groups/populations
The size of populations should be considered when looking at suicide
rates. Smaller populations often produce rates that are less reliable
as the rates per 100,000 are based on small numbers. Therefore,
differences in the number of suicides may have a bigger impact on
the rate than in a larger population. An example of this might be
suicide in older people, as the population size is lower than in younger
age groups (eg over 80 years).
Rates for a whole country can mask regional variations
It is important to note that within countries there can be important
regional and local differences in suicide rates.
Year-on-year fluctuations can be misleading
When examining suicide trends over time it is important to look over
a relatively long period. Increases and decreases for a year at a time
should not be considered in isolation. There may be fluctuations
year-on-year but these should not be viewed as ‘true’ changes to the
trend that are attributable to any specific psycho-social predictors
(for example, unemployment). 
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SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
Sensitive and responsible reporting of suicide
When talking about suicide publically or in the media, it is crucial to
do so sensitively and responsibly, to minimize the risk of contagion
(a phenomenon of suicidal behaviours that seems to occur as a result of
previous suicides or attempts by others). Samaritans’ Media Guidelines
provide advice for journalists about how to do this. These guidelines are
often most related to reporting of occurrences of suicides, however, the
principles of these guidelines should be followed for the reporting of
suicide statistics and particularly when reporting on increases of suicides
in particular groups.
For the definition of suicide see Box 1; for full data tables of numbers and
rates – see tables in Appendices. More information on the challenges with
suicide statistics can be found on page 26.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
15
Rates are per 100,000 population.
16.8
per 100,000
men
5.2
per 100,000
women
Suicide rates in the UK and Republic of Ireland: 2014
21.3
30–44 years
23.9
45–59 years
14.4
75+ years
9.9
10–29 years
13.6
60–74 years
6.1
7.3
3.2
4.6
4.6
Northern
Ireland
Republic
of Ireland
Scotland
England
Wales
22.9
per 100,000
16.1
per 100,000
19.3
per 100,000
16
per 100,000
15.3
per 100,000
6.5
per 100,000
3.9
per 100,000
7.2
per 100,000
4.9
per 100,000
3.4
per 100,000
Please note not all nations collect data on suicide in the same way and therefore rates are not necessarily comparable (see page 30).
16
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
* Rates for UK, England, Wales, and Scotland are age standardised to the European Standard Population; Northern Ireland are crude rates.
** Total number of deaths for the UK does not equal the sum of the constituent nations. This is due to ONS including the deaths of non-residents
in the total figure but not in regional breakdown of deaths in England and Wales.
Graph 1: Suicide rate per 100,000* in UK, 2014
Table 1: Number of suicides in UK, 2014
D
at
a
Suicide in the UK – 2014
Male
Overall
Female
See Appendices 1 and 2 for full data tables including
a breakdown of suicide by age groups. See page 30
for information about comparing suicide statistics
between nations.
Overall
Male
Female
UK**
6,122
4,630
1,492
England
4,882
3,701
1,181
Wales
247
199
48
Scotland
696
497
199
Northern Ireland
268
207
61
Table 1 shows that the highest number of suicides occurred in England for all persons, males
and females. The lowest number of suicides for all persons, males and females occurred in
Wales. There was a 2% decrease in the number of suicides in the UK between 2013 and 2014.
Only looking at the number of suicides in a nation may be misleading as to where suicide is
more prevalent. This is due to difference in population size. Rates per 100,000 are used to give
a truer picture of where suicide is more prevalent – see Graph 1.
Graph 1 shows that the highest suicide rate per 100,000 for males and for all persons was in
Northern Ireland, and for females was in Scotland; the lowest rates for these three groups
were in Wales. Across the UK, male suicide rates are consistently higher than female rates.
In Scotland, the male suicide rate is almost three times higher than the female rate. In UK as
a whole, and in England and Northern Ireland, the male suicide rate is more than three times
higher than the female rate. In Wales, the male suicide rate is more than four times higher
than the female rate.
0
5
10
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Northern Ireland
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4
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
17
Data presented in this section are of the suicide rate per
100,000 rather than the number of suicides in an age group.
See page 13 for an explanation of why rates, rather than numbers, are used. The number
of deaths by age group, and full data tables with numerical rates can be found in the tables
within Appendices 1 and 2.
D
ata
Graph 2: Suicide rates in UK by age group, 2014
Graph 3: Suicide rates in England by age group, 2014
UK suicide by age group – 2014
Male
Overall
Female
Male
Overall
Female
Graph 2 shows that in the UK the age group with the highest suicide rate per 100,000 for all persons
and males is 45-49 years, and for females is 50-54 years. This data also indicates a slight bimodal
distribution (where there are two ‘modes’/peaks in the distribution across the ages) with peaks in
the mid-years and those aged over 85 years. The ONS mark rates calculated from fewer than 20
counts as unreliable. The data in Graph 2 that is considered unreliable has been greyed out.
Graph 3 shows that in England, the age group with the highest suicide rate per 100,000 for all
persons is 45-54 years; for males the age group with the highest rate is 45-49 years; for females
the age group with the highest rate is 50-54 years. This data also indicates a slight bimodal
distribution (where there are two ‘modes’/peaks in the distribution across the ages) with peaks
in the mid-years and those aged over 85 years, but a decrease after 90 years. The ONS mark
rates calculated from fewer than 20 counts as unreliable. The data in Graph 3 that is considered
unreliable has been greyed out.
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
Age group (years)
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
85
-9
0
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-8
4
75
-7
9
70
-7
4
65
-6
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-6
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-5
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-5
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-4
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-2
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10
-1
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4
18
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
D
at
a
Graph 4: Suicide rates in Wales by age group, 2014
Graph 5: Suicide rates in Scotland by age group, 2014
Graph 4 shows that in Wales, the age group with the highest suicide rate per 100,000 for all
persons and males is 40-44 years; for females the age group with the highest rate is 50-54
years. Among males, there is some suggestion of a bimodal age distribution (where there
are two ‘modes’/peaks in the distribution across the ages), as in England. As can be seen in
Graph 4, for some age groups no rate is shown; the ONS do not produce a rate when there are
fewer than three deaths in an age category. ONS also mark rates calculated from fewer than
20 counts as unreliable. The data in Graph 4 that is missing or considered unreliable has been
greyed out. Also see notes on page 13 in ‘Understanding Suicide Statistics’ for information on
rates within small populations.
Graph 5 shows that in Scotland, the age group with the highest suicide rate per 100,000 for
all persons and males and females is 35-44 years. Unlike in England, there is no evidence of a
bimodal age distribution (where there are two ‘modes’/peaks in the distribution across the ages).
As can be seen in Graph 5, the youngest and oldest age groups have no rate per 100,000; the
ScotPHO do not produce a rate per 100,000 for these groups "for reasons of robustness and
comparability, as a higher proportion of probable suicide deaths in these extreme age groups
are coded as events of undetermined intent”. See notes on page 13 in Understanding Suicide
Statistics for information on rates within small populations.
Male
Overall
Female
Male
Overall
Female
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
Age group (years)
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
90
+
85
-8
9
80
-8
4
75
-7
9
70
-7
4
65
-6
9
60
-6
4
55
-5
9
50
-5
4
45
-4
9
40
-4
4
35
-3
9
30
-3
4
25
-2
9
20
-2
4
15
-1
9
U
nd
er
1
5
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
19
D
ata
Graph 6: Suicide rates in Northern Ireland by age group, 2014
Graph 6 shows that in Northern Ireland, the age group with the highest suicide rate per
100,000 for all persons and males is 30-34 years; and for females is 35-39 and 45-49 years.
Among males there is some suggestion of a bimodal age distribution (where there are two
‘modes’/peaks in the distribution across the ages), as in England.
As can be seen in Graph 6, some age groups have no rate per 100,000; this indicates that
there were zero suicides in these groups. NISRA do not have a minimum number of deaths
required to produce a rate per 100,000 and some of the rates provided are based on only
one death; see notes on page 13 in Understanding Suicide Statistics for information on rates
within small populations.
Male
Overall
Female
20
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
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at
a
UK suicide rates – trends over time
This section provides a narrative description of the suicide trends for the UK and each
nation over the last thirty years (1984–2014). Commentary of percentage change for
each set of data is based on rates, rather than numbers and is calculated by Samaritans
where this has not been provided by the statistical agencies.
Graph 7 shows that in the UK, while the rates for males
and all persons decreased in 2014, the female rate
increased. There has been a decreasing trend in the UK
suicide rate until around 2007. Since then, there has
been a general increase and suicide in the UK is now at
its highest rate since 2004. There was a 2.7% decrease
in UK between 2013 and 2014.
Male trend: Similar to the overall trend for the UK, the
male suicide rate shows a general decrease until 2007,
and a subsequent increase but the most recent year of
data shows that male suicide in the UK decreased by
5.6% between 2013 and 2014.
Female trend: The UK female rate significantly
decreased between 1983 and 2007 and has remained
relatively constant since then with yearly fluctuations
in 2011 and 2014. Between 2013 and 2014 the female
suicide rate in the UK increased by 8.3%.
Graph 7: Suicide rate per 100,000 in the UK, 1984–2014
0
5
10
15
20
25
2014
2012
2010
2008
2006
2004
2002
2000
1998
1996
1994
1992
1990
1988
1986
1984
Years
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
Male
Overall
Female
Commentary next to graphs regarding significance
of changes in rates has been taken directly from the
statistical agencies’ publications for each nation’s
suicide data, and is not calculated by Samaritans.
0
5
10
15
20
25
20
14
20
12
20
10
20
08
20
06
20
04
20
02
20
00
19
98
19
96
19
94
19
92
19
90
19
88
19
86
19
84
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
Years
0
5
10
15
20
25
20
14
20
12
20
10
20
08
20
06
20
04
20
02
20
00
19
98
19
96
19
94
19
92
19
90
19
88
19
86
19
84
Years
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
21
D
ata
Graph 9: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Wales, 1984–2014
Graph 8: Suicide rate per 100,000 in England, 1984–2014
Graph 8 shows that an increase in suicide in England between 2013 and 2014 may be driven by
the rise in female suicide and a relatively stable trend in male suicide. There has been a general
decrease in suicide in England over the last 30 years, but the overall rate is currently at its highest
since 2004. There has been an overall increase in suicide in England of 2% between 2013 and 2014.
Male trend: The male suicide rate has also generally decreased over the last 30 years. However, the
increase in the last decade in the England suicide rate is driven by the male suicide rate increase in
this period. Male suicide in England decreased by less than 1% between 2013 and 2014.
Female trend: The female suicide rate in England has seen a general decrease over the last
30 years, and has remained relatively constant over the last decade. However, the most recent
year of data shows that there was an increase of 14% in female suicide between 2013 and 2014,
which puts female suicide at its highest rate since 2005 in England.
Graph 9 shows that there has been a significant decrease in suicide in Wales for both males
and females between 2013 and 2014. There has been an overall decrease in suicide since
1984 in Wales and notably a decrease of 37.4% between 2013 and 2014.
Male trend: Over the last thirty years there has been a general decrease in suicide in
Wales with notable fluctuations. After a more recent period of increase, the male suicide
rate in Wales is at its lowest since 2008 and the current rate is the second lowest of
the entire thirty year period. Between 2013 and 2014 the male suicide rate decreased
by 37.6%.
Female trend: Female suicide in Wales has also decreased considerably over the last thirty
years. Following fluctuations and a period of overall increase since 2007, the female suicide
rate in Wales is its lowest for this entire thirty year period.
Male
Overall
Female
Male
Overall
Female
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
20
14
20
12
20
10
20
08
20
06
20
04
20
02
20
00
19
98
19
96
19
94
19
92
19
90
19
88
19
86
19
84
Years
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
20
14
20
12
20
10
20
08
20
06
20
04
20
02
20
00
19
98
19
96
19
94
19
92
19
90
19
88
19
86
19
84
Years
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
22
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
D
at
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Graph 11: Suicide rate per 100,000

in Northern Ireland, 1984–2014
Graph 10: Suicide rate per 100,000

in Scotland, 1984–2014*
*Data in Graph 10 only includes deaths coded using ‘old-rules’ (see notes in UK suicide definition section,
page 11). This is because data using ‘new-rules’ for 2011 to 2014 is not directly comparable to the previous
years’ data and, as advised by ScotPHO, ‘old rules’ data should be used when making comparisons over time.
Graph 10 shows that the overall decrease in suicide in Scotland is driven by the decrease in
male suicide in recent years.
Male trend: The male rate showed a general increase during the 1990s, little change during
the 1990s and a decrease since about 2000. The most recent year of data shows that there
was a 17.6% decrease in male suicide in Scotland between 2013 and 2014.
Female trend: The female rate has gradually decreased over the thirty year period, with less
fluctuation than the male rates. However, the female rate increased between 2013 and 2014
by 7.8% in Scotland.
In additional data, using five-year rolling averages (see ScotPHO, 2015), the most recent periods
show a decrease in all persons, male and female rates between 2009–13 and 2010–14.
Graph 11 shows that in Northern Ireland, there has been a general increase in the overall
rate, with significant fluctuations and a marked increase around 2005-2007. However, there
has been a decrease between 2013 and 2014 of 12%.
Male trend: The male suicide rate in 2014 is more than double what it was thirty years ago
in 1984. Although, there has been a decrease of 10.2% between 2013 and 2014 and male
suicide is at its lowest rate in Northern Ireland since 2007.
Female trend: In 2014, the female suicide rate is higher than it was thirty years ago in 1984.
Although, there has been a decrease of 17.7% between 2013 and 2014 and female suicide is
at its lowest rate in Northern Ireland since 2009.
Male
Overall
Female
Male
Overall
Female
0
5
10
15
20
Female
Male
Overall
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
23
D
ata
Graph 12: Suicide rates per 100,000

in Republic of Ireland, 2014
Suicide in the Republic of Ireland – 2014
The data for suicide in the Republic of Ireland is presented
in a separate section because these statistics are not
comparable to those for the UK. For a full explanation of
the reasons for this, please see the information on page 9.
For full data tables see Appendices 3 and 4.
Table 2: Number of suicides in Republic of Ireland, 2014 (provisional)
Overall
Male
Female
Republic of Ireland
459
368
91
Table 2 shows that the highest number of suicides occurred in males, with approximately
four times as many male as female suicides.
Looking only at the number of suicides in a nation may be misleading because it ignores
the size of the groups at risk. Rates per 100,000 are used to give a more accurate picture
of differences between groups – see Graph 12.
Graph 12 shows that the suicide rate among males is approximately four times higher than
the rate among females.
Male
Overall
Female
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
Age group (years)
0
10
20
30
40
85
+
80
-8
4
75
-7
9
70
-7
4
65
-6
9
60
-6
4
55
-5
9
50
-5
4
45
-4
9
40
-4
4
35
-3
9
30
-3
4
25
-2
9
20
-2
4
15
-1
9
10
-1
4
5-
9
0-
4
24
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
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at
a
Republic of Ireland suicide by age group – 2014
Graph 13: Suicide rates in Republic of Ireland
by age group, 2014
Data in this section are of the suicide rate per 100,000, rather
than the number of suicides in an age group; looking at the
number of suicides may be misleading due to differences in
population sizes.
Graph 13 shows that, in the Republic of Ireland, the age group with the highest suicide rate
per 100,000 is 50-54 years for all persons and males, and 25-29 years for females.
There is considerable variation across the male suicide rate between age groups, but the
female rate shows less variation across the age groups in comparison.
As can be seen in Graph 13, some age groups have no rate per 100,000; this indicates that
there were zero suicides in these groups. CSO do not have a minimum number of deaths
required to produce a rate per 100,000 and some of the rates provided are based on only one
death; see notes on page 13 in Understanding Suicide Statistics for information on rates within
small populations.
Male
Overall
Female
Rates are used to give a truer picture of the groups in which
suicide is more prevalent.
The number of deaths by age group, and full data tables with numerical rates can be found
in the tables within Appendices 3 and 4.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
25
D
ata
Graph 14: Suicide rate per 100,000 in Republic of Ireland, 1984–2014
Republic of Ireland suicide rates – trends over time
Graph 14 shows there was an increase in the overall
suicide rate in the Republic of Ireland between the
early 1980s and the late 1990s: since then, there has
been a declining trend. After a period of fluctuation,
the Republic of Ireland suicide rate has been decreasing
since 2011. The overall suicide rate in the Republic of
Ireland is at its lowest since 1993 and between 2013 and
2014, there was a decrease of 3.3% in the overall rate
per 100,000.
Male trend: The male suicide rate increased to a peak in
1998, since then it has decreased with some fluctuations
and the male suicide rate is currently the lowest since
1993. The male suicide rate has decreased by 6.4%
between 2013 and 2014.
Female trend: The female suicide rate in Republic of
Ireland has remained relatively stable over time during
this 30 year period. The current rate (2014) is comparable
to the rate in 1984, having increased by 14.7% since 2013.
This section provides a narrative description of the trends in suicide for the Republic
of Ireland over the last thirty years (1984-2014). Commentary of percentage change
is based on rates, rather than numbers and is calculated by Samaritans.
Male
Overall
Female
0
5
10
15
20
25
2014
2012
2010
2008
2006
2004
2002
2000
1998
1996
1994
1992
1990
1988
1986
1984
Years
Ra
te
p
er
1
00
,0
00
26
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
Challenges with suicide statistics
Reliable data about suicide is essential for understanding the scale of
suicide, to identify those most at risk and to evaluate the effectiveness of
interventions to prevent suicide. We need to recognise the limitations with
suicide mortality data so that we draw the right conclusions from data.
This section explores some of the challenges with collecting and reporting on suicide data.
Measuring the success, or lack thereof, of e
fforts to
reduce suicides, suicide attempts or the imp
act of
suicide on society at large requires access t
o reliable
and valid data.
World Health Organisation, 2014; Preve
nting suicide: A global imperative
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
27
The under-reporting of suicide
It is commonly acknowledged by professionals in the field of suicide research
that official statistics underestimate the ‘true’ number (and, therefore, rate)
of suicide. This is not only the case in the UK and the Republic of Ireland but in
most (if not all) countries. There are various reasons and explanations for this
under-reporting, which will be described in this section.
One of the main reasons for the under-reporting of suicide is the
misclassification of deaths. This means that the cause of death is coded as
something other than suicide. An example of this is where a coroner cannot
establish whether there was intent by the individual to take their own life.
Consequently, the cause of death may be recorded as one of ‘undetermined
intent’ or ‘accidental’. This may occur in situations where the death involved
a road traffic accident or where there is long-term illness. It could also be
difficult to determine whether there was intent to die in situations of self-
harm leading to suicide.
The difference in methods of suicide between males and females is discussed
by many researchers: males seem to choose more ‘final’ and ‘obvious’
methods than females. It may be that in methods more commonly used by
females, the intent cannot be determined (or assumed) as easily as in methods
more common to males. This may, in part, explain some of the variation in
rates between the genders, as there may be more under- reporting of suicidal
deaths in females (Cantor, Leenaars & Lester, 1997).
Some researchers comment that the subjective nature of the coronial system
could also lead to under-reporting. There may be many reasons that a coroner
may classify a death as something other than suicide. It could be that the
coroner believes there is not enough evidence to prove that suicide was
the cause of death. A coroner should record a cause of death based on the
principle of ‘beyond doubt’ as opposed to ‘on the balance of probabilities’.
There may be stigma attached to a death being reported as suicide. This could
be particularly relevant for instances such as child deaths, or relate to the
socio-cultural norms of the individual, their family or community, or to cultural
or religious taboos (eg suicide rates in Islamic communities seem to be very
low, which may be attributed to under-reporting due to familial stigma
(Leo 2002; 2009)). It has been suggested that in the UK, there continues to
be a stigma attached to suicide from a time when it was a criminal offence.
In some countries, it is still a criminal offence and so there may be even more
stigma attached, and therefore more under-reporting of suicide.
In the UK, part of the solution to under-reporting has been to include ‘deaths
of undetermined intent’ within the official statistical category of suicide.
This attempts to correct known under-reporting and is thought to produce a
more accurate total (and rate) of suicide in a given year. However, this may
cause problems in the ability to compare suicide statistics across countries,
some of which, eg Republic of Ireland, do not include this category in the
official operational definition of suicide. 
28
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
In England and Wales, the use of narrative verdicts allows coroners to give a
verdict that does not necessarily have to be restricted to one cause of death:
a narrative account is given of the circumstances surrounding a death and this
may eliminate some of the problems of trying to restrict a verdict to one short
form code. However, when a narrative verdict is given by a coroner, the ONS
is still required to assign a code to the death in the usual way. Where intent
cannot be established, and ONS cannot be clear from the narrative verdict
that the cause of death was suicide, the death is coded as ‘accidental’, rather
than of ‘undetermined intent’. These deaths are therefore not included in
the UK count of suicide and may add further to the under-reporting problem.
The ONS has carried out analyses which originally suggested there was not a
significant impact on suicide rates in previous years. However, it notes in their
analysis this year that if all “hard-to-code” narrative verdict deaths, which are
recorded as accidental hanging or accidental poisoning (because they have
been given narrative verdicts) were recoded as intentional self-harm, the
suicide rate in England would increase significantly (ONS, 2016).
It is also important to note that suicide is not the only cause of death
that suffers under-reporting through misclassification. While it would be
unrealistic to expect death reporting to have no error, since it is, after all,
a human process based in part on judgement, every effort should be made
to make sure statistics are as accurate as possible.
The reliability and validity of suicide statistics
It is important to assess the validity (are we measuring what we think we’re
measuring) and reliability (do we measure in the same way, over time) of
suicide statistics since these are commonly used to directly influence decisions
about public policy and public health (including suicide prevention) strategies.
The reliability of statistics is obviously affected by the misclassification of
deaths leading to under-reporting (see section above). There are several
other additional factors that need to be considered.
It has been suggested that there may be inconsistencies in coroners’
processes to establish a cause of death and individual coroners may record
deaths differently to others. For example, a coroner may decide not to give
a statement of intent on the death registration in some situations, such as in
the deaths of children, possibly out of sympathy for the family or sensitivity
to the cultural/religious beliefs of a family. Differences may also arise in
situations that prove difficult for the coroner to establish one cause of death
eg when chronic illness is a factor in the death or in road accidents where
there may also have been suicidal intent. Such situations leave room for
interpretation and subjectivity.
As well as the death registration processes being subject to interpretation and
inconsistencies within a country, there are also likely to be inconsistencies
between countries. There are different death registration processes across the
UK nations.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
29
Therefore, it cannot be assumed that suicide statistics in one country are
measuring the same phenomenon as those in another country.
Reliability is affected by the multiple definitions of suicide. Silverman (2006)
claims that there are more than 27 definitions of suicide used in the research
literature. This adds another dimension to the problem of reliability, as suicide
is defined differently by different researchers and research disciplines, and
in different contexts and professions. For example, the clinical and legal
definitions of suicide differ; within a legal definition (used by coroners) there
must be evidence that there was intent to take one’s life, whereas a clinical
definition is based on a less stringent concept of proof. Therefore, there may
be under-reporting where there is insufficient evidence of suicide available to
satisfy coronial requirements.
Researchers have different views about the reliability of suicide statistics and
how, or even if, they can be used effectively. Some reject the use of official
suicide statistics on the grounds of poor reliability; others argue that the
statistics are still reliable enough to be used to establish trends over time.
It can be argued that suicide statistics have poor validity (they might not
measure exactly what we think they measure) but reasonable reliability (they
measure the same thing over time). This would mean that, even if we accept
the limitations to the statistics, the data is still likely to have some temporal
stability and any limiting factor would be reasonably constant over time.
Therefore, differences in suicide trends between countries could be validly
explored. Changes in rates and fluctuations may be valid if under-reporting
remains stable over time (Brugha & Walsh, 1978; Sainsbury & Jenkins, 1982).
In this way, suicide statistics will still give us valuable information about suicide
over time and about different groups who may be at risk. Others, however, are
more skeptical about both validity and reliability of official statistics.
It is also worth noting that, due to the human nature of registration and
reporting and the complexity of suicidal behaviour and actions, it is inevitable
that suicide statistics will never be completely reliable. It can be argued that
this will always be the case (Sainsbury & Jenkins, 1982): the subjective nature
of recording deaths and the differences between countries’ registration
processes will forever pose a problem for any official statistics and their
wider use. However, we still must address these issues and continue to do
everything possible to limit these confounding factors, so that suicide statistics
are as reliable as possible. Also, fluctuations and trends should not be ignored
because of the issues of under-reporting, misclassification and limited
reliability. All mortality figures will be subject to some degree of error, but they
do still provide valuable insights and predictive information (Goldney, 2010).
A recent systematic review (Tøllefsen, Hem & Ekeberg, 2012) concludes that
there is a lack of research into the reliability of suicide statistics, but also that
there is a tendency in international data to under-report suicide.
30
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
Difficulties comparing suicide statistics
As has been mentioned in previous sections, there are some differences
in the way different countries register deaths and therefore how deaths
are classified as suicides. This potentially undermines confidence in the
value of comparing suicide statistics across countries. Lower or higher
rates may be an artefact of lower or higher quality (or just different)
registration procedures between countries, rather than a reflection of true
differences in suicide risk. Consequently, some researchers suggest that
cross-country comparison should not be made or assumed to provide any
reliable information about which populations may be at more risk of suicide
(Sainsbury & Jenkins, 1982). Other researchers suggest that the differences
in coding and registration of suicides pose problems that make comparisons
difficult, but not impossible, and that the rates should be compared with
caution (Gjertsen, 2000). In this view, the differences are not enough to
stop comparisons between countries and to do so would prove unhelpful in
understanding the epidemiology of suicide.
However, this document highlights the differences in the collection and
presentation of suicide statistics across the UK and the Republic of Ireland,
which seems unnecessary and unhelpful in a group of nations so socially,
economically and politically linked. The difference in the operational
definition of ‘suicide’ between the UK (all nations) and the Republic of
Ireland (see pages 11-12) is the most obvious.
Furthermore, even within the UK, the constituent nations’ statistics are not
directly comparable. As a result of differences in the time taken to register
a death in England and Wales compared to Northern Ireland or Scotland,
some annual figures reflect a truer picture of the occurrence of suicide than
others (see ONS, 2016). In this context, Samaritans would like to see greater
collaboration between the statistical agencies and more consistency in the
collection and presentation of suicide statistics, to enable greater sharing and
learning across countries and ultimately improve suicide prevention efforts.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
31
References
Brugha, T. & Walsh, D. (1978). Suicide past and present – the
temporal constancy of under-reporting. The British Journal of
Psychiatry, 132, 177-179
Cantor, C. H., Leenaars, A. A., & Lester, D. (1997). Under-
reporting of suicide in Ireland 1960-1989. Archives of Suicide
Research, 3, 5-12
De Leo, D. (2002). Struggling against suicide. The need for an
integrative approach. Crisis, 23, 23–31
De Leo, D. (2009). Cross-cultural research widens suicide
prevention horizons (Editorial). Crisis, 30, 59–62
Gjertsen, F. (2000). Head on the mountainside – accident or
suicide? About the reliability of suicide statistics. Retrieved
on 22 Feb 2012 from www.med.uio.no/klinmed/english/
research/centres/nssf/articles/statistics/Gjertsen.pdf
Goldney, R. D. (2010). A Note on the Reliability and Validity of
Suicide Statistics. Psychiatry, Psychology and Law, 17(1), 52-56
Office for National Statistics (ONS; 2016) Suicides in the
United Kingdom, 2014 Registrations. Statistical Bulletin.
www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/
birthsdeathsandmarriages/deaths/bulletins/
suicidesintheunitedkingdom/2014registrations
Sainsbury, P., & Jenkins, J. S. (1982). The Accuracy of Officially
Reported Suicide Statsitics for Purposes of Epidemiological
Research. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health,
36(1), 43-48
Scottish Public Health Observatory (ScotPHO; 2014) Suicide
data [Suicide_National_Overview]. Retrieved from
www.scotpho.org.uk/health-wellbeing-and-disease/suicide/
data/scottish-trends
Silverman, M. M. (2006) The language of suicidology. Suicide
and Life-Threatening Behaviour, 36, 519–532
Tøllefsen, I. M., Hem, E., & Ekeberg, Ø. (2012). The reliability
of suicide statistics: A systematic review. BMC Psychiatry, 12,
9-9. doi: 10.1186/1471-244X-12-9
World Health Organization (WHO; 2014). Preventing suicide:
a global imperative. World Health Organization, Geneva
32
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
A
pp
en
di
ce
s
UK
2012
2013
2014
Rate per 100,000 for
persons aged 10+
Overall
10.7
Male
16.8
Female
4.9
Overall
11.1
Male
17.8
Female
4.8
Overall
10.8
Male
16.8
Female
5.2
Rate per 100,000 by
age group (years)
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
10-14
0.3†
0.5†
--
0.3†
0.3†
0.2†
0.4†
0.4†
0.3†
15-19
4.2
6.4
1.9
4.4
7.0
1.6
4.9
7.0
2.7
20-24
9.4
15.5
3.2
9.0
14.3
3.5
9.2
13.7
4.5
25-29
11.7
18.4
5.1
9.6
15.9
3.4
10.5
16.5
4.6
30-34
12.2
19.7
4.8
12.2
19.5
4.9
11.4
17.9
5.0
35-39
14.3
23.1
5.5
15.4
23.6
7.2
13.2
20.1
6.4
40-44
16.1
25.9
6.6
16.7
26.9
6.7
16.2
25.7
7.0
45-49
16.3
25.0
7.9
17.1
26.8
7.7
16.8
26.5
7.3
50-54
15.7
23.5
8.0
15.7
24.7
6.9
16.4
24.9
8.0
55-59
12.9
19.9
6.1
14.8
23.3
6.4
12.8
19.5
6.3
60-64
9.5
14.1
5.1
11.2
18.4
4.2
10.1
15.4
5.0
65-69
7.6
11.6
3.8
7.7
11.5
4.0
8.1
12.2
4.3
70-74
6.8
10.6
3.4
8.0
13.0
3.5
8.5
12.9
4.6
75-79
7.0
10.9
3.8
7.8
12.3
4.0
8.1
13.1
4.0
80-84
8.0
11.9
5.2
8.8
14.4
4.7
8.4
14.3
4.1
85+
9.4
19.5
4.5
11.2
22.6
5.5
9.6
17.1
5.7
Table 3: UK suicide rates for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
Appendix 1: Rate per 100,000 of deaths by suicide* in the UK, 2012–2014
* Suicide as defined by the Office for National Statistics – for coding and definition see Box 1, page 12.
† Potentially unreliable rates due to low number of deaths in this age group.
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
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England
2012
2013
2014
Rate per 100,000 for
persons aged 10+
Overall
9.6
Male
15.2
Female
4.3
Overall
10.1
Male
16.1
Female
4.3
Overall
10.3
Male
16
Female
4.9
Rate per 100,000 by
age group (years)
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
10-14
0.2†
0.3†
-
0.2†
0.3†
-
0.2†
0.2†
0.3†
15-19
3.5
5.5
1.5
3.8
6.0
1.4
4.4
6.1
2.5
20-24
8.3
13.7
2.7
8.0
12.8
3.2
8.6
12.9
4.1
25-29
9.8
15.3
4.3
8.5
14.1
2.9
9.4
14.9
3.8
30-34
10.1
16.3
3.9
10.2
16.2
4.3
10.6
16.6
4.6
35-39
12.6
20.4
4.8
13.4
20.7
6.2
11.7
17.8
5.7
40-44
14.7
23.6
5.9
14.9
24.3
5.7
15.1
24.1
6.3
45-49
15.1
23.4
7.1
15.0
23.4
6.9
16
25.3
6.8
50-54
14.3
22.0
6.7
14.7
23.3
6.2
16
24.7
7.6
55-59
12.1
18.8
5.5
13.5
21.2
5.8
12.5
19.2
6
60-64
8.5
12.9
4.2
10.4
17.2
3.9
10
15.2
5
65-69
7.1
10.9
3.6
7.4
11.3
3.6
8.1
12.1
4.3
70-74
6.6
10.0
3.6
7.3
11.6
3.3
8.2
11.9
4.8
75-79
6.2
9.7
3.3
7.7
11.8
4.2
8.3
13
4.3
80-84
8.1
11.7
5.5
8.7
13.8
4.9
9.1
15
4.6
85-90
8.9
18.6
3.4†
11.9
23.0
5.4
10.4
18.2
5.8
90+
9.1
18.1
5.7†
10.4
22.8
5.6†
8.9
15.5
6.3
Table 4: England suicide rates for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
† Potentially unreliable rates due to low number of deaths in this age group.
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Wales
2012
2013
2014
Rate per 100,000 for
persons aged 15+
Overall
12.5
Male
20.1
Female
5.6
Overall
14.7
Male
24.5
Female
5.5
Overall
9.2
Male
15.3
Female
3.4
Rate per 100,000 by
age group (years)
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
10-14
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
15-19
4.1†
6†
-
5.7†
11.1†
-
6.9†
11.3†
-
20-24
9.3
13.6†
4.7†
11.9
18.8
4.7†
3.2†
6.2†
-
25-29
11.3
20.2†
-
10.1†
14.6†
5.4†
8.8†
12.3†
5.3†
30-34
24.2
38.4
10.1†
19.8
30.9
8.8†
12.1
17.6†
6.6†
35-39
17.9
31.6
4.6†
20.9
36.1
5.9†
13.1
24
-
40-44
16.7
29.3
4.7†
22.5
38.0
7.7†
16.8
29.1
5†
45-49
17.2
26.8
8†
26.4
46.5
7.1†
11.5
21.6
-
50-54
12.1
17.7†
6.6†
16.1
25.1
7.5†
10.7
15.1†
6.4†
55-59
13.3
18.4†
8.3†
20.0
33.3
7.2†
13.5
22.3
5.1†
60-64
14.3
19.8†
9.1†
13.7
24.7
3.1†
7.5†
12†
3.1†
65-69
9.9†
14.7†
5.4†
9.5†
8.6†
10.4†
6.7†
7.4†
6.1†
70-74
7.3†
12.2†
-
12.8†
22.2†
4.1†
10.3†
18.6†
-
75-79
12.7†
17.8†
8.4†
7.1†
13.5†
-
3.5†
7.5†
-
80-84
8.7†
14.8†
-
14.7†
32†
-
7.2†
17†
-
85-89
14.1†
27.9†
-
6.1†
-
-
14†
21.4†
9.6†
90+
14.6†
41.8†
-
18†
40.1†
-
-
-
-
Table 5: Wales suicide rates for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
† Potentially unreliable rates due to low number of deaths in this age group.
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New coding rules for all years.
Scotland
2012
2013
2014
Rate per 100,000 for
all persons
All
15.8
Male
23.6
Female
8.0
All
15.2
Male
23.7
Female
6.7
All
13.3
Male
19.3
Female
7.2
Rate per 100,000 by
age group (years)
All
Male
Female
All
Male
Female
All
Male
Female
0-14
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
15-24
11.7
17.5
5.8
9.6
15.1
4.1
9.7
13.2
6.2
25-34
23.1
35.9
10.7
20.8
34.6
7.4
14.9
20.9
9.0
35-44
26.9
41.2
13.2
26.3
40.8
12.5
24.6
36.7
13.0
45-54
26.2
36.6
16.2
24.1
37.7
11.2
22.6
32.8
12.9
55-64
16.2
24.1
8.6
17.9
28.4
8.0
13.4
19.9
7.3
65-74
8.3
13.8
3.4
9.8
15.0
5.1
10.1
16.2
4.6
75-84
9.7
16.2
5.0
8.3
14.3
3.9
6.9
12.5
2.7
85+
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Table 6: Scotland suicide rates for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
36
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Northern Ireland
2012
2013
2014
Rate per 100,000 for
all persons
Overall
15.2
Male
24.0
Female
6.8
Overall
16.6
Male
25.5
Female
7.9
Overall
14.6
Male
22.9
Female
6.5
Rate per 100,000 by age
group (years)
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Under 15
1.4
1.6
1.1
0.6
0.5
0.6
0.8
1.6
-
15-19
11.3
17.4
4.9
10.6
17.4
3.3
12.3
19.1
5.1
20-24
21
39.7
1.6
20.5
30.7
9.9
22.2
34.1
10.0
25-29
32.8
53.5
12.6
18.5
32.6
4.8
24.1
40.6
8.0
30-34
21.3
35.4
8
23.6
40.3
7.9
28.4
51.5
6.3
35-39
22.8
36.3
9.9
32
46.1
18.5
26.0
41.1
11.8
40-44
20.8
34.5
7.5
30.5
40
21.4
18.3
26.1
10.9
45-49
15.8
22.9
8.9
30.7
44.2
17.7
23.4
35.4
11.8
50-54
30.7
43.7
18
25.1
37.7
12.8
20.6
28.9
12.5
55-59
18.5
27.2
9.7
19.8
30.3
9.4
9.2
9.2
9.1
60-64
12.8
13
12.7
21.4
34.5
8.5
18.0
25.6
10.5
65-69
15.1
21.7
-
8
16.7
-
9.1
16.5
2.2
70-74
6.1
13.2
0
10.3
18.8
2.8
7.1
15.0
-
75-79
5.8
8.8
3.4
7.6
12.8
3.4
11.1
16.5
6.7
80-84
5.4
13.7
0
5.3
6.6
4.4
2.6
6.4
-
85-89
4.6
13.5
-
9.1
26.5
-
4.5
12.8
-
90+
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Table 7: Northern Ireland suicide rates for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
SUICIDE STATISTICS REPORT 2016
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UK
2012
2013
2014
Number of deaths for
persons aged 10+
Overall
5,993
Male
4,600
Female
1,393
Overall
6,242
Male
4,863
Female
1,379
Overall
6,122
Male
4,630
Female
1,492
Number of deaths by
age group (years)
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
Overall
Male
Female
10-14
12
10
2
9
5
4
13
7
6
15-19
164
128
36
170
139
31
188
138
50
20-24
407
339
68
388
313
75
396
301
95
25-29
505
395
110
419
345
74
463
363
100
30-34
517
415
102
527
420
107
496
387
109
35-39
577
465
112
611
467
144
527
399
128
40-44
737
584
153
749
597
152
713
558
155
45-49
766
578
188
802
620
182
784
610
174
50-54
664
492
172
682
530
152
730
549
181
55-59
476
362
114
555
433
122
493
370
123
60-64
344
250
94
396
320
76
355
265
90
65-69
253
188
65
268
196
72
290
211
79
70-74
169
124
45
203
156
47
224
161
63
75-79
143
101
42
163
117
46
174
128
46
80-84
123
76
47
136
94
42
132
95
37
85+
136
93
43
164
111
53
144
88
56
Table 8: UK suicide numbers for all persons, males and females and by age group, 2012–2014
Appendix 2: Number of deaths by suicide* in the UK, 2012–2014
*