Kuala Lumpur “Declaration of the 13th Summit of Heads of State of the Non-Aligned Movement” of 2003
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1
Sovereign Law Series
Kuala Lumpur “Declaration of the
13th Summit of Heads of State of
the Non-Aligned Movement” of
2003
Short-Form Reference:
2003 NAM “Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 13th Summit”
In-Line Micro Reference:
2003 NAM “13th Summit Declaration”
Ratification / Registration:
NAM 13th Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 25 February 2003
© 2020 Sovereign Court of International Justice (SCIJ). All International Rights Reserved.
The 1979 “Berne Convention” fully protects this proprietary collection as a selection and arrangement of
works (Art. 2.5), and protects these documents as derivative works (Art. 2.3) and adaptations (Art. 12). All
unauthorized republication or distribution including online is illegal (Art. 9). “Fair Use” does not permit
infringement for unfair competition by another non-profit (17 USC 107), which is a criminal offense
punishable by 10 years imprisonment (18 USC 241; UK Copyright Act §107).
2
Introductory Notes by the Independent Judiciary
Download Sovereign Law Series – This “Sovereign Law Series” is presented by the
Sovereign Court of International Justice (SCIJ), as a proprietary system for standardized
reference and effective use of international law sources. It provides primary sources
of the modern framework of “conventional international law”, which contains
provisions to invoke “customary international law” which is the “Common Law”.
Download the “Intro & Index” (with links to all documents in the collection) here:
Introduction & Index
Independence from the UN – The United Nations (UN) is not a “world government”,
and has no authority for any type of “global governance”: The UN is prohibited to
interfere with self-determination of peoples or sovereignty of States (UN Charter,
Articles 1.2, 2.1, 2.7), and is liable for any of its own violations of international law and
rights (2012 Declaration on Rule of Law, Article 2). The UN is not a “world
parliament”, and has no authority to enact any form of “legislation”: The UN General
Assembly (GA) is only a forum for States to codify and declare general recognition of
rights and doctrines of international law (UN Charter, Article 13.1).
Reclaiming Law and Rights – The UN has no authority to “own” or “control”
international law: All the conventions actually belong to the Peoples of the Nations,
and the UN is only authorized to register and publish them (1969 Law of Treaties,
Articles 1(e), 76.1, 80; UN Charter, Article 102). Once a convention recognizes “rights”,
those “may not be revoked or modified” (1969 Law of Treaties, Articles 36.1, 37.2),
and “become binding upon” all States as “customary rules of international law” which
are “recognized” by that convention (Article 38). Therefore, all law and rights
evidenced in conventions belong to the People, and can be invoked by the People and
enforced by the Independent Judiciary, in perpetuity.
Words of Rights in Red – Operative words and phrases most effective for invoking and
enforcing Rights, which are the most used by Barristers and Judges, are printed in Red
font for ease of visual reference. Some key words may be underlined for emphasis.
Commentary in Green – [Expert commentary from Barristers and Judges may be
added in Green font, in Brackets, to guide effective use to assert and enforce rights.]
3
Official Text of this Law Source as Ratified
Declaration of the 13th Summit of Heads of State of the
Non-Aligned Movement
[Adopted by 120 Member States supported by 17 Observer States]
“Declaration on Continuing the Revitalization of the
Non-Aligned Movement”
Preamble
[¶1] We, the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement,
gathered in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on 24–25 February 2003 for the 13th Summit
Conference, reaffirmed our abiding faith in, and strong commitment to, the ideals,
principles and purposes of the Movement, as laid out at the Bandung Conference of
1955, and the Charter of the United Nations, in our common and continuing pursuit of
establishing a peaceful, prosperous, and a more just and equitable world order.
[This confirms that the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) was founded based upon the
“Bandung Asian-African Conference” in Indonesia in 1955, hosted by President
Soekarno. This evidences the leadership of the Royal Alliance of Independent States
(RAIS), historically led by the Kingdom of Banten Nusantara (Archipelago Islands of
Indonesia), then represented by Indonesian President Soekarno.]
[¶2] The Movement had played an active, even central role, over the years, on the
issues of concern and vital importance to its members, such as decolonization,
apartheid, the situation in Palestine and the Middle East, disarmament, poverty
eradication and socio-economic development, among others. After more than forty
years of its founding, and having undergone many challenges and vicissitudes, it is
timely and appropriate to comprehensively review the role, structure and work
methods of our Movement in keeping with the times and the new realities, aimed at
the further strengthening of our Movement. With the end of the Cold War, the
emergence of unipolarity, the trend towards unilateralism and the rise of new
challenges and threats, such as international terrorism, it is imperative for the
Movement to promote multilateralism, better defend the interests of developing
countries and prevent their marginalization.
4
[This statement that “With the end of the Cold War [came] the emergence of
unipolarity [and] unilateralism”, is a declaration that the 1960’s era Cold War threat
has now been replaced by the new covert war of Globalism against Nationalism. It
defines the major modern Globalist threat to free and independent countries as
“unipolarity” and “unilateralism” imposing neo-colonialism of geopolitical domination.
It mandates the Nationalist solution as “multilateralism”, meaning multipolar relations
between individual States, free from centralized influence of dominating powers.]
[¶3] With increased globalization and the rapid advance of science and technology,
the world has changed dramatically. The rich and powerful countries exercise an
inordinate influence in determining the nature and direction of international relations,
including economic and trade relations, as well as the rules governing these relations,
many of which are at the expense of the developing countries. It is imperative,
therefore, that the Movement respond in ways that will ensure its continued
relevance and usefulness to its members.
[This confirms the primary meaning of “Globalization” (in the negative sense) as the
modernist ideology of Globalism, which typically manifests as the “inordinate
influence” of dominant countries and private political factions, increasingly imposed
through the centralized power and control of ill-conceived treaty organizations.]
[¶4] Globalization presents many challenges and opportunities to the future and
viability of all states. In its present form, it perpetuates or even increases the
marginalization of developing countries. We must ensure that globalization will be a
positive force for change for all peoples and will benefit the largest number of
countries and not just a few. Globalization should lead to the prospering and
empowering of the developing countries, not their continued impoverishment and
dependence on the wealthy and developed world.
[This confirms the secondary meaning of “Globalization” (in the positive sense) as
increased international interconnectivity creating “opportunities”. Note that the term
“Globalization” as used here is very different from the destructive modernist ideology
of Globalism. It is the insidious misuse and misrepresentation of this positive meaning
of “Globalization”, which is relied upon to deceptively promote the agendas and
policies of its negative meaning, imposing the dominating centralized power and
control of Globalism.]
5
[¶5] The revolution in the Information and Communications Technology is changing
the world at a rapid speed and in a fundamental way, and is already creating a vast
and widening digital divide between the developed and developing countries, which
must be bridged if the latter are to benefit from the globalization process. This new
technological innovation must be made more easily available to the developing
countries in their efforts to modernize and revitalize their economies in pursuit of
their developmental goals.
[¶6] The achievement of these developmental goals requires an enabling
international environment and the honouring of commitments and pledges made by
States, including our partners in the developed world.
[This declared need to develop “an enabling international environment” is a mandate
for establishing new inter-governmental institutions, which must be dedicated to
upholding and defending the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement.]
[¶7] The future presents as many challenges and opportunities as the past and the
Movement must continue to remain strong, cohesive and resilient. The continued
relevance of the Movement will depend, in large measure, on the unity and solidarity
of its members as well as its ability to adapt to these changes. In this regard, the
process of the revitalization of the Movement, begun at its previous Summit Meetings,
must be given further impetus.
[Section 1] Consistent with our desire to translate our rhetoric into action, and in
rededicating ourselves to the fundamental principles, purposes and goals of the
Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, we resolve to make every effort to:
1.
Enhance our unity, based on our common interests and history of shared
struggles, and persevere with our efforts to ensure that these interests are
continuously promoted and our concerns are fully addressed.
2.
Uphold and adhere to the fundamental principles of the Movement and the
Charter of the United Nations in the preservation and promotion of world peace
through dialogue and diplomacy among States and the avoidance of the use of force
to resolve conflicts.
3.
Promote and strengthen the multilateral process as an indispensable vehicle in
safeguarding the interests of Member States of the Movement as well as those of the
United Nations.
6
4.
Promote the democratization of the system of international governance in order
to increase the participation of developing countries in international decision making.
[This declared need for the “democratization… of international governance” is a
mandate for creating new inter-governmental institutions, which must be properly
designed to: (A) give a direct voice to disadvantaged States, free from the distractions
of propaganda driven agendas of dominant countries and private political factions;
and (B) finally give a voice to sovereign historical institutions, which continue to
represent the history, heritage, culture and traditions of the peoples of the nations,
which cannot be acquired by mere conquest.]
5.
Be pro-active, rather than reactive, to international developments, especially
those that impact on the members of the Movement, so as to ensure that the
Movement is not sidelined but be at the forefront of the international decision making
processes.
6.
Strengthen our national capacities in order to enhance our individual and
collective resilience.
7.
Enhance South-South Cooperation in all areas of our relations, particularly in the
political, social, cultural, economic and scientific fields.
8.
Promote a more dynamic and cooperative relationship with the developed and
industrialized countries, based on constructive engagement, broad partnership and
mutuality of benefits.
9.
Promote closer interaction and cooperation with organizations of our civil
society, the private sector and parliamentarians on the recognition that they can play
a constructive role towards the attainment of our common goals.
7
[Section 2] In pursuit of these goals, Member States of the Movement shall strive to
implement the following concrete measures:
1.
Undertake a sound review and analysis of the positions of the Movement on
international issues, with a view to consolidating the common denominators among
Member States by focusing on issues that unite rather than divide us, thereby
strengthening the unity and cohesion of the Movement.
[This declared need for “focusing on issues that unite” is a mandate for creating new
inter-governmental institutions, which must reject the incessant development of
propaganda driven political agendas which can only divide, and instead strictly focus
on applying and enforcing existing international law and rights, as recognized in the
framework of universal conventions which were already adopted and accepted by
essentially all countries in the world.]
2.
Review and redefine the role of the Movement and improve its structure and
methodology, including the need for a more focused and concise documentation, in
order to make it more effective and efficient.
3.
Enhance our coordination and cooperation through regular meetings of the
Coordinating Bureau in New York, as well as in Geneva, Vienna, Nairobi and other
centres, if necessary, with a view to responding, on a timely basis, to international
developments affecting the Movement and its members.
4.
Utilize fully and effectively all existing mechanisms and institutions, such as the
Troika, the Coordinating Bureau and all existing working groups, committees, the Non-
Aligned Caucus of the Security Council, and establish new ones, as appropriate.
[This is the most compelling mandate specifically for creating new inter-governmental
institutions, which must be properly designed to uphold and promote the NAM
principles, to empower and enable the fullest use by NAM countries.]
5.
Utilize more effectively the regular NAM Foreign Ministers Meetings through
more interactive sessions as well as encourage the interaction and involvement of
other relevant Ministers towards enhancing the effectiveness and profile of the
Movement.
6.
Strengthen the role of the Chair, as spokesman of the Movement, through the
establishment of appropriate mechanisms as part of the necessary backup system.
8
7.
Strengthen coordination and cooperation, and formulate common strategies on
socio-economic and development-related issues, with the Group of 77 through regular
and more frequent meetings of the Joint Coordinating Committee (JCC).
8.
Follow up on decisions made at the United Nations Millennium Assembly and
other international fora, such as the Doha Meeting on international trade, the
Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development and the Johannesburg World
Summit on Sustainable Development as imperatives in addressing the urgent concerns
of developing countries, such as poverty eradication, debt relief, capacity building and
HIV/AIDS.
9.
Expand, deepen and enrich South-South cooperation through enhanced regional
and inter-regional cooperation, undertaking concrete projects and programmes,
pooling of resources, and tapping the contributions of eminent personalities and
institutions of the South.
10.
Promote and develop mechanisms, including at relevant conferences, for
international cooperation and solidarity in efforts to bridge the digital divide based on
a partnership involving States, civil society and the private sector.
11.
Continue to strongly support international programmes for Africa, particularly
through NEPAD, as well as the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing
Countries and Small Island Developing Countries.
12.
Promote constructive dialogue and interaction with our development partners,
particularly the G-8, through existing and appropriate new mechanisms, including
institutionalized contacts, so as to bring about greater understanding between the
North and South and to ensure that the views of the Movement are fully taken into
account before important decisions affecting developing countries are made.
[Section 3] In realizing our goal of revitalizing the Non-Aligned Movement, we must
exert every effort towards the promotion of a multipolar world through the
strengthening of the United Nations, as an indispensable international organization for
the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of human rights,
social and economic development and respect for international law, as enshrined in its
Charter.
Sovereign Law Series
Kuala Lumpur “Declaration of the
13th Summit of Heads of State of
the Non-Aligned Movement” of
2003
Short-Form Reference:
2003 NAM “Kuala Lumpur Declaration of 13th Summit”
In-Line Micro Reference:
2003 NAM “13th Summit Declaration”
Ratification / Registration:
NAM 13th Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 25 February 2003
© 2020 Sovereign Court of International Justice (SCIJ). All International Rights Reserved.
The 1979 “Berne Convention” fully protects this proprietary collection as a selection and arrangement of
works (Art. 2.5), and protects these documents as derivative works (Art. 2.3) and adaptations (Art. 12). All
unauthorized republication or distribution including online is illegal (Art. 9). “Fair Use” does not permit
infringement for unfair competition by another non-profit (17 USC 107), which is a criminal offense
punishable by 10 years imprisonment (18 USC 241; UK Copyright Act §107).
2
Introductory Notes by the Independent Judiciary
Download Sovereign Law Series – This “Sovereign Law Series” is presented by the
Sovereign Court of International Justice (SCIJ), as a proprietary system for standardized
reference and effective use of international law sources. It provides primary sources
of the modern framework of “conventional international law”, which contains
provisions to invoke “customary international law” which is the “Common Law”.
Download the “Intro & Index” (with links to all documents in the collection) here:
Introduction & Index
Independence from the UN – The United Nations (UN) is not a “world government”,
and has no authority for any type of “global governance”: The UN is prohibited to
interfere with self-determination of peoples or sovereignty of States (UN Charter,
Articles 1.2, 2.1, 2.7), and is liable for any of its own violations of international law and
rights (2012 Declaration on Rule of Law, Article 2). The UN is not a “world
parliament”, and has no authority to enact any form of “legislation”: The UN General
Assembly (GA) is only a forum for States to codify and declare general recognition of
rights and doctrines of international law (UN Charter, Article 13.1).
Reclaiming Law and Rights – The UN has no authority to “own” or “control”
international law: All the conventions actually belong to the Peoples of the Nations,
and the UN is only authorized to register and publish them (1969 Law of Treaties,
Articles 1(e), 76.1, 80; UN Charter, Article 102). Once a convention recognizes “rights”,
those “may not be revoked or modified” (1969 Law of Treaties, Articles 36.1, 37.2),
and “become binding upon” all States as “customary rules of international law” which
are “recognized” by that convention (Article 38). Therefore, all law and rights
evidenced in conventions belong to the People, and can be invoked by the People and
enforced by the Independent Judiciary, in perpetuity.
Words of Rights in Red – Operative words and phrases most effective for invoking and
enforcing Rights, which are the most used by Barristers and Judges, are printed in Red
font for ease of visual reference. Some key words may be underlined for emphasis.
Commentary in Green – [Expert commentary from Barristers and Judges may be
added in Green font, in Brackets, to guide effective use to assert and enforce rights.]
3
Official Text of this Law Source as Ratified
Declaration of the 13th Summit of Heads of State of the
Non-Aligned Movement
[Adopted by 120 Member States supported by 17 Observer States]
“Declaration on Continuing the Revitalization of the
Non-Aligned Movement”
Preamble
[¶1] We, the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement,
gathered in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia on 24–25 February 2003 for the 13th Summit
Conference, reaffirmed our abiding faith in, and strong commitment to, the ideals,
principles and purposes of the Movement, as laid out at the Bandung Conference of
1955, and the Charter of the United Nations, in our common and continuing pursuit of
establishing a peaceful, prosperous, and a more just and equitable world order.
[This confirms that the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) was founded based upon the
“Bandung Asian-African Conference” in Indonesia in 1955, hosted by President
Soekarno. This evidences the leadership of the Royal Alliance of Independent States
(RAIS), historically led by the Kingdom of Banten Nusantara (Archipelago Islands of
Indonesia), then represented by Indonesian President Soekarno.]
[¶2] The Movement had played an active, even central role, over the years, on the
issues of concern and vital importance to its members, such as decolonization,
apartheid, the situation in Palestine and the Middle East, disarmament, poverty
eradication and socio-economic development, among others. After more than forty
years of its founding, and having undergone many challenges and vicissitudes, it is
timely and appropriate to comprehensively review the role, structure and work
methods of our Movement in keeping with the times and the new realities, aimed at
the further strengthening of our Movement. With the end of the Cold War, the
emergence of unipolarity, the trend towards unilateralism and the rise of new
challenges and threats, such as international terrorism, it is imperative for the
Movement to promote multilateralism, better defend the interests of developing
countries and prevent their marginalization.
4
[This statement that “With the end of the Cold War [came] the emergence of
unipolarity [and] unilateralism”, is a declaration that the 1960’s era Cold War threat
has now been replaced by the new covert war of Globalism against Nationalism. It
defines the major modern Globalist threat to free and independent countries as
“unipolarity” and “unilateralism” imposing neo-colonialism of geopolitical domination.
It mandates the Nationalist solution as “multilateralism”, meaning multipolar relations
between individual States, free from centralized influence of dominating powers.]
[¶3] With increased globalization and the rapid advance of science and technology,
the world has changed dramatically. The rich and powerful countries exercise an
inordinate influence in determining the nature and direction of international relations,
including economic and trade relations, as well as the rules governing these relations,
many of which are at the expense of the developing countries. It is imperative,
therefore, that the Movement respond in ways that will ensure its continued
relevance and usefulness to its members.
[This confirms the primary meaning of “Globalization” (in the negative sense) as the
modernist ideology of Globalism, which typically manifests as the “inordinate
influence” of dominant countries and private political factions, increasingly imposed
through the centralized power and control of ill-conceived treaty organizations.]
[¶4] Globalization presents many challenges and opportunities to the future and
viability of all states. In its present form, it perpetuates or even increases the
marginalization of developing countries. We must ensure that globalization will be a
positive force for change for all peoples and will benefit the largest number of
countries and not just a few. Globalization should lead to the prospering and
empowering of the developing countries, not their continued impoverishment and
dependence on the wealthy and developed world.
[This confirms the secondary meaning of “Globalization” (in the positive sense) as
increased international interconnectivity creating “opportunities”. Note that the term
“Globalization” as used here is very different from the destructive modernist ideology
of Globalism. It is the insidious misuse and misrepresentation of this positive meaning
of “Globalization”, which is relied upon to deceptively promote the agendas and
policies of its negative meaning, imposing the dominating centralized power and
control of Globalism.]
5
[¶5] The revolution in the Information and Communications Technology is changing
the world at a rapid speed and in a fundamental way, and is already creating a vast
and widening digital divide between the developed and developing countries, which
must be bridged if the latter are to benefit from the globalization process. This new
technological innovation must be made more easily available to the developing
countries in their efforts to modernize and revitalize their economies in pursuit of
their developmental goals.
[¶6] The achievement of these developmental goals requires an enabling
international environment and the honouring of commitments and pledges made by
States, including our partners in the developed world.
[This declared need to develop “an enabling international environment” is a mandate
for establishing new inter-governmental institutions, which must be dedicated to
upholding and defending the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement.]
[¶7] The future presents as many challenges and opportunities as the past and the
Movement must continue to remain strong, cohesive and resilient. The continued
relevance of the Movement will depend, in large measure, on the unity and solidarity
of its members as well as its ability to adapt to these changes. In this regard, the
process of the revitalization of the Movement, begun at its previous Summit Meetings,
must be given further impetus.
[Section 1] Consistent with our desire to translate our rhetoric into action, and in
rededicating ourselves to the fundamental principles, purposes and goals of the
Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, we resolve to make every effort to:
1.
Enhance our unity, based on our common interests and history of shared
struggles, and persevere with our efforts to ensure that these interests are
continuously promoted and our concerns are fully addressed.
2.
Uphold and adhere to the fundamental principles of the Movement and the
Charter of the United Nations in the preservation and promotion of world peace
through dialogue and diplomacy among States and the avoidance of the use of force
to resolve conflicts.
3.
Promote and strengthen the multilateral process as an indispensable vehicle in
safeguarding the interests of Member States of the Movement as well as those of the
United Nations.
6
4.
Promote the democratization of the system of international governance in order
to increase the participation of developing countries in international decision making.
[This declared need for the “democratization… of international governance” is a
mandate for creating new inter-governmental institutions, which must be properly
designed to: (A) give a direct voice to disadvantaged States, free from the distractions
of propaganda driven agendas of dominant countries and private political factions;
and (B) finally give a voice to sovereign historical institutions, which continue to
represent the history, heritage, culture and traditions of the peoples of the nations,
which cannot be acquired by mere conquest.]
5.
Be pro-active, rather than reactive, to international developments, especially
those that impact on the members of the Movement, so as to ensure that the
Movement is not sidelined but be at the forefront of the international decision making
processes.
6.
Strengthen our national capacities in order to enhance our individual and
collective resilience.
7.
Enhance South-South Cooperation in all areas of our relations, particularly in the
political, social, cultural, economic and scientific fields.
8.
Promote a more dynamic and cooperative relationship with the developed and
industrialized countries, based on constructive engagement, broad partnership and
mutuality of benefits.
9.
Promote closer interaction and cooperation with organizations of our civil
society, the private sector and parliamentarians on the recognition that they can play
a constructive role towards the attainment of our common goals.
7
[Section 2] In pursuit of these goals, Member States of the Movement shall strive to
implement the following concrete measures:
1.
Undertake a sound review and analysis of the positions of the Movement on
international issues, with a view to consolidating the common denominators among
Member States by focusing on issues that unite rather than divide us, thereby
strengthening the unity and cohesion of the Movement.
[This declared need for “focusing on issues that unite” is a mandate for creating new
inter-governmental institutions, which must reject the incessant development of
propaganda driven political agendas which can only divide, and instead strictly focus
on applying and enforcing existing international law and rights, as recognized in the
framework of universal conventions which were already adopted and accepted by
essentially all countries in the world.]
2.
Review and redefine the role of the Movement and improve its structure and
methodology, including the need for a more focused and concise documentation, in
order to make it more effective and efficient.
3.
Enhance our coordination and cooperation through regular meetings of the
Coordinating Bureau in New York, as well as in Geneva, Vienna, Nairobi and other
centres, if necessary, with a view to responding, on a timely basis, to international
developments affecting the Movement and its members.
4.
Utilize fully and effectively all existing mechanisms and institutions, such as the
Troika, the Coordinating Bureau and all existing working groups, committees, the Non-
Aligned Caucus of the Security Council, and establish new ones, as appropriate.
[This is the most compelling mandate specifically for creating new inter-governmental
institutions, which must be properly designed to uphold and promote the NAM
principles, to empower and enable the fullest use by NAM countries.]
5.
Utilize more effectively the regular NAM Foreign Ministers Meetings through
more interactive sessions as well as encourage the interaction and involvement of
other relevant Ministers towards enhancing the effectiveness and profile of the
Movement.
6.
Strengthen the role of the Chair, as spokesman of the Movement, through the
establishment of appropriate mechanisms as part of the necessary backup system.
8
7.
Strengthen coordination and cooperation, and formulate common strategies on
socio-economic and development-related issues, with the Group of 77 through regular
and more frequent meetings of the Joint Coordinating Committee (JCC).
8.
Follow up on decisions made at the United Nations Millennium Assembly and
other international fora, such as the Doha Meeting on international trade, the
Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development and the Johannesburg World
Summit on Sustainable Development as imperatives in addressing the urgent concerns
of developing countries, such as poverty eradication, debt relief, capacity building and
HIV/AIDS.
9.
Expand, deepen and enrich South-South cooperation through enhanced regional
and inter-regional cooperation, undertaking concrete projects and programmes,
pooling of resources, and tapping the contributions of eminent personalities and
institutions of the South.
10.
Promote and develop mechanisms, including at relevant conferences, for
international cooperation and solidarity in efforts to bridge the digital divide based on
a partnership involving States, civil society and the private sector.
11.
Continue to strongly support international programmes for Africa, particularly
through NEPAD, as well as the Least Developed Countries, Landlocked Developing
Countries and Small Island Developing Countries.
12.
Promote constructive dialogue and interaction with our development partners,
particularly the G-8, through existing and appropriate new mechanisms, including
institutionalized contacts, so as to bring about greater understanding between the
North and South and to ensure that the views of the Movement are fully taken into
account before important decisions affecting developing countries are made.
[Section 3] In realizing our goal of revitalizing the Non-Aligned Movement, we must
exert every effort towards the promotion of a multipolar world through the
strengthening of the United Nations, as an indispensable international organization for
the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of human rights,
social and economic development and respect for international law, as enshrined in its
Charter.